Negación y elipsis

Resumen

This paper deals with the syntax and semantics of elliptical expressions in negative clauses. VP deletion in negative structures is discussed in detail and some differences with gapped sentences are pointed out. Contrary to what is proposed by Hankamer and Sag, «stripping» is shown not to be a rule of deletion, although it has some formal coincidences with «gapping». The final section of this paper comments on some of the fundamental problems of deletion in the theory of grammar.